You plan to move to the Philippines? Wollen Sie auf den Philippinen leben?

There are REALLY TONS of websites telling us how, why, maybe why not and when you'll be able to move to the Philippines. I only love to tell and explain some things "between the lines". Enjoy reading, be informed, have fun and be entertained too!

Ja, es gibt tonnenweise Webseiten, die Ihnen sagen wie, warum, vielleicht warum nicht und wann Sie am besten auf die Philippinen auswandern könnten. Ich möchte Ihnen in Zukunft "zwischen den Zeilen" einige zusätzlichen Dinge berichten und erzählen. Viel Spass beim Lesen und Gute Unterhaltung!


Visitors of germanexpatinthephilippines/Besucher dieser Webseite.Ich liebe meine Flaggensammlung!

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Showing posts with label CIELITO F. HABITO. Show all posts
Showing posts with label CIELITO F. HABITO. Show all posts

Tuesday, June 23, 2026

Livelihood struggles and successes

 

Cielito F. Habito

Among the package of government-wide social protection (SP, aka anti-poverty) interventions, livelihood programs (LPs) seem to be the most favored mode of helping the poor, next to outright cash dole-outs or “ayuda.” Yet government-assisted livelihood enterprises that survive beyond one to two years turn out to be the exception rather than the norm, making the assistance little more than “ayudas” themselves. But LPs are what national government agencies (NGAs), local government units (LGUs), and nongovernment groups like to provide the poor they serve, because “that is what they want.” This was validated in consultations around the country by a Brain Trust Inc. study team I led, tasked by the Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD) to assess the government’s prominent SP programs.

DSWD itself has its Sustainable Livelihood Program (SLP), which traces back to an early 2000s program called Self-Employment Assistance-Kaunlaran (SEA-K) spearheaded by the late former Secretary Corazon “Dinky” Soliman. SEA-K was described as “a microcredit initiative to provide small, non-collateral loans to help the poor start basic entrepreneurial activities.” But DSWD realized that providing financing was not enough unless it was supported by adequate entrepreneurial capability building. By 2011, it phased out SEA-K and launched SLP, primarily targeting households served by the Pantawid Pamilyang Pilipino Program or 4Ps (see last week’s “Has 4Ps worked for the poor?”). A major change was a shift in focus from microcredit to capacity building, to “provide participants with essential assets to engage in microenterprises or secure formal employment.”

Recognizing that not everyone is cut out to be an entrepreneur, SLP provided assistance in the form of microenterprise development (MD) and employment facilitation (EF). While the MD track took off from the phased-out SEA-K, the EF track drew from the Department of Labor and Employment’s (DOLE) strategy of skills training and job matching. Either way, SLP shifted the focus from financing via microcredit to capability building. In a 2022 assessment, the Philippine Institute for Development Studies (PIDS) observed low profitability and substantial business closures in SLP enterprises, along with management issues and lack of participation in and earning opportunities for members in group enterprises that SLP assisted. PIDS assessed SLP’s cost to have exceeded its benefits, putting its very usefulness into question, and belying the key adjective in its name.

DSWD’s SLP is but one of numerous LPs offered by various government entities like DOLE, Technical Education and Skills Development Authority (TESDA), Overseas Workers Welfare Administration (OWWA), Department of Agriculture (DA), Department of Trade and Industry (DTI), Department of Science and Technology (DOST), and more—not counting LGUs, parishes and churches, and civic organizations. With such a plethora of LPs of various kinds targeting various beneficiary groups, our study team found it useful to make a distinction between initiatives best characterized as “livelihood assistance,” and those with “enterprise development” as an end goal.

“Livelihood assistance” would better characterize programs from DSWD, DOLE, OWWA, and most LGUs, with no necessary aim for sustainability beyond economic relief and capability-building. Experience shows that these often result in minimal income increases in beneficiaries over time. “Enterprise development” would be the more appropriate term for programs from DTI, DOST, and TESDA that aim to build profitable, job-creating and sustainable businesses via capacity-building and technology support, and business development services. While both livelihood assistance and enterprise development programs ultimately aim to provide sustained income for beneficiaries, the latter generally yield superior outcomes, but entail larger investments and more complex assistance. In contrast, the former are cheaper and easier to implement, and thus commonly favored even as they often fail the test of sustainability.

Some exceptional DSWD regional field offices actually claimed high success rates for their own SLP beneficiaries. Asked what their secret of success was, the one word that kept emerging was “tutok,” or close follow-up support, especially sustained business mentoring. DSWD has since adopted a new SLP Sustainability Plan to address this and other adverse findings in the 2022 PIDS assessment.

SEE ALSO

It is worth recalling former DTI Secretary Ramon Lopez’s seven Ms for fostering small business: mindset (change), mastery, mentoring, money (financing), machines (technology tools), market (access/linkage), and models (business setups). If all LPs ensure inclusion of these key success factors, the line between “livelihood assistance” and “enterprise development” would fade out, and the better we would be able to help our poor.

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cielito.habito@gmail.com

Tuesday, April 14, 2026

Railways to our future

 

Cielito F. Habito

Finally, we’re seeing both the Department of Public Works and Highways (DPWH) and the Department of Transportation (DOTr) publicly agree on a transport philosophy that upholds the primacy of commuters over cars. At least, that’s what DPWH Secretary Vince Dizon and DOTr Secretary Giovanni Lopez both declared on the same stage at the last general membership meeting of the Management Association of the Philippines. It would be a welcome departure from the car-centric approach that appears to have guided land transport planning and policy in our country over the past decades.

Car-centricity may not have been explicit in past government plans or policy documents, but was nonetheless evident in how public investments favored road construction and repair over the wide provision of public mass transport facilities, especially by rail. For instance, I’ve long considered it a mortal sin that our transport authorities deliberately missed connecting the Metro Manila mass rail transit system to the airport, even with the train depot of LRT-1 lying right beside the domestic air terminal. A transport official back then privately admitted to me the simple reason: the taxi industry strongly lobbied against the airport link. It amounted to favoring cars (as taxis) over mass transport. More disgusting was how it put the vested interests of a few (taxi operators) over the greater good of the many (the riding public), in a patently antipeople move.

Car-centricity also shaped the national vision embodied in Ambisyon Natin 2040, which included the average Filipino family’s aspiration to own a private vehicle—no doubt influenced by the prevailing context of a highly inadequate public transport system. This expressed aspiration might not have been so prominent had mass transport not been the punishing ordeal it has commonly been and continues to be. And as seen in most world capitals, central to convenient and extensive mass transport systems is rail transport, of which we have woefully little.

London today reportedly has 491 kilometers (km) of urban commuter rail lines, while New York has 399, Tokyo 337, and Seoul 327. Closer to home, our neighboring Asean capitals, Kuala Lumpur, Singapore, Bangkok, and Jakarta have 205, 241, 280, and 396 km, respectively. In terms of population density, London has about 28,500 people per km of commuter rail line, New York has 21,300; Tokyo 41,500; Seoul 29,400; Kuala Lumpur 10,300, Singapore 25,700, Bangkok 40,700, and Jakarta 27,000. For Metro Manila, it’s a measly 52 km of rail lines from LRT-1, LRT-2, and MRT-3 combined, for a density of 269,000 people per km. Even just aiming for 40,000 people per km, similar to Tokyo and Bangkok, Metro Manila should have at least 350 km of urban commuter rail lines, about 300 km more than what it has today. But if we aim for the more typical density of 30,000 people per km, we should really have 467 km, or nine times what we have today.

Japan, known to be among the top railway-capable countries worldwide, has long helped us develop our rail transport system, having in fact funded LRT-2 and the rehabilitation of MRT-3. It funds most of the ongoing 33-km, 17-station Metro Manila Subway Project (MMSP) from Valenzuela to Bicutan, branching to the Ninoy Aquino International Airport Terminal 3, thereby belatedly providing a railway link to the airport. Along with it is the 147-km, 36-station North-South Commuter Railway (NSCR) to run from New Clark City to Calamba, Laguna, also partly funded by the Asian Development Bank. The Japan International Cooperation Agency (Jica) has extended 727.8 billion yen in loans (around P300 billion) for MMSP since it broke ground in early 2019, and is contributing 786 billion yen (around P340 billion) for NSCR. Both projects have suffered repeated delays due to persistent and exasperating right-of-way issues. Then came the legislators who infamously shifted budget allocations for foreign-assisted projects to unprogrammed appropriations to give way to their questionable pet projects, thereby impeding budget releases for and stalling these crucial projects further. While both MMSP and NSCR were earlier planned to be partially operational by 2022 and fully operational by 2027 to 2028, DOTr now aims for completion in 2032, with more in the pipeline.

Jica’s assistance toward our railway-enabled future included grant assistance to establish and operate the Philippine Railway Institute, a facility aimed to train over 15,000 personnel to support the coming new rail facilities. This complements Japan’s assistance on the hardware with assured “peopleware” to manage, operate, maintain, and sustain them.

SEE ALSO

If Dizon and Lopez will be true to their words, Filipino city dwellers can look forward to a future of more livable cities. But don’t hold your breath just yet.

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cielito.habito@gmail.com

Tuesday, September 2, 2025

Brushes with corruption

 


I’m not ashamed to tell friends about the two times Meralco cut power to our house for lack of cash to pay for it, in the year after I left the National Economic and Development Authority (Neda) in 1998, having completed eight years there. Our still young children then were traumatized by the darkness in our home even as the neighbors’ lights were on, and they still remember those incidents to this day. I had to swallow my pride and resort to borrowing money from a friend then to have our power restored.

That year was particularly hard as I left the government with no savings; the P200,000 I had in my bank account when I first joined Neda had been depleted. I had counted on my early retirement pension lump sum to tide us over until I had a regular income again, but a couple of nuisance cases that included my name—filed with (and later thrown out by) the Ombudsman—delayed its release by nearly a year. Knowing my situation then, a relative called me stupid (gago) to my face, chiding me for missing the chance to “make hay” while in the Cabinet. But such never entered my mind. On my very first day in office as Neda secretary on July 1, 1992, a long-lost friend showed up at my office unannounced, bearing a private message about a controversial telecoms project being closely evaluated by Neda at the time. He intimated that if we approve the project, “there’s something good in it for us.” He even had the temerity to ask me to endorse him to head the Philippine National Railways, which was dormant and not even operating then. Feeling insulted, I ushered him out of my office, and never heard from him again (that project failed to pass Neda’s scrutiny, by the way).

My next brush with corruption came when Neda, on instructions of then President Fidel Ramos, sought official endorsement from Congress for the newly crafted Medium Term Philippine Development Plan (MTPDP) 1993-1998. With my top officials in tow, I met with the rules committee of the House of Representatives, which lined up the agenda for plenary deliberations in the Lower House. It turned out to be a stomach-turning experience for me. As if their endorsement of the carefully crafted national development blueprint was a big personal favor, some lawmakers in the private meeting heavily hinted at a payoff for them to put the MTPDP on the House agenda. But one shed all pretenses and told us, tongue-in-cheek, that “if there’s a check coming, just make it out to my name to make it simple.” What we at Neda did instead was to inform them of pipeline projects lined up for their respective districts (which they could then claim some credit for). In cases where there were none, we helped the lawmakers identify worthy projects for their districts that we could then help include in the Medium-Term Public Investment Program that accompanied the MTPDP. But no payments.